I Will Stage A Coup D’état - Chapter 26: The Art of War (2)
December 1937.
The National Military Committee swiftly discharged five generals from Park Han-jin’s faction who were deployed to the bloody Chinese front, cutting off the serpent’s head.
With the high-ranking generals who could serve as a focal point for dissent removed, the remaining generals could hardly breathe, their every move watched.
As my faction completely took control of the feared Security Command, the eyes and ears of the security units within the troops were tightening their iron grip on them.
But even places without the Security Command’s watchful eyes weren’t safe, nowhere to hide.
The National Military Committee actively recruited young officers with similar ideological leanings through blaring radio broadcasts and inflammatory newspapers, spreading our message far and wide.
The generals, perhaps terrified by the Committee’s frighteningly rapid increase in control within the military, even reduced their private gatherings, knowing the walls had ears.
Harboring discontent and standing against me? A foolish notion.
It might have been possible when I had just taken power, but now it was utterly hopeless.
There was only one thing I couldn’t do in the military now, my power was nearly absolute.
Throwing in the towel in this bloody war, admitting defeat.
Except for that, I could do anything, my was word law.
It was nothing to sell a few arsenals to Chairman Cho Tae-su of Taejung as a generous reward for his vital contributions to the successful coup.
“Y-you’re saying to sell the strategic Incheon and Busan arsenals to Taejung? That could risk maintaining the army’s critical supply capabilities and cause various operational issues, sir.”
“Hey, hey. This is a direct order from ‘His Excellency’ himself. It’s a special order from the highest-ranking Chief of Staff in this entire country, not to be questioned.”
“I-it was an order from the Chief of Staff? I see…”
“Yes, you heard correctly. If you understand, handle it immediately. Or else.”
The generals who had been greedily patting their protruding bellies from the arsenals tried to resist this bolt from the blue, but they all shut their mouths at the ominous words ‘Chief of Staff’, knowing the consequences.
In the new order I led, going against it meant risking not just money, but one’s very life, a deadly gamble.
Of course, foreign countries couldn’t accurately grasp my true position like this, the extent of my power.
It was nonsensical to try to gauge the governing power of a coup leader who had been inaugurated as head of state less than a month ago, an unknown quantity.
If even the great powers were floundering like this, China was even worse, stumbling in the dark.
Hearing exaggerated news of our purge, that fool Chiang Kai-shek ordered hasty preparations for a reckless offensive in January, his hubris blinding him.
The problem was the Chinese army’s terrible information management capabilities, their security leaking like a sieve.
We quickly noticed telltale signs of China’s impending large-scale offensive.
“Those arrogant bastards who were trampled in Shanghai and barely escaped with their tails between their legs now dare to attack us without knowing their place? The audacity!”
The generals were incredulous at China’s gall, but secretly welcomed the foolhardy Chinese offensive, eager to crush them again.
However, my thoughts were a bit different.
Chiang Kai-shek launching an ill-advised offensive here proves he’s severely underestimating our new regime, a fatal mistake.
This flawed assumption implied only one grave thing.
As long as that stubborn mule Chiang Kai-shek was around, the grand dream of the North China Railway Company could never be realized.
Suddenly, I began to understand the brutal atrocities of those Jap bastards from the original timeline, their ruthless actions.
When negotiations with China inevitably fell apart, the Imperial General Headquarters declared they wouldn’t negotiate with “Mr. Chiang” anymore, and instead set up a puppet government to negotiate with Wang Jingwei1, the puppet leader they installed.
The harsh lesson here was that dealing with Chiang Kai-shek was so infuriatingly difficult that it drove them to such desperate idiocy, grasping at straws.
I, too, felt such ominous signs, a creeping dread.
It hadn’t even been a few months since he lost 73 whole divisions, yet he wanted to launch another reckless offensive just because the opponent’s political situation was chaotic. How could one reason with such a stubborn, deluded man?
You simply can’t, it’s that simple.
It seemed increasingly unlikely that Plan A, the diplomatic solution, would end this bloody Chinese-Korean War.
Well, that doesn’t mean I’d completely abandon diplomatic negotiations, not yet anyway.
It just meant I felt more inclined to prepare Plan B in grim detail – the plan to eliminate that bald bastard Mr. Chiang, once and for all.
Come to think of it, there were many unsettling similarities between assassinating a head of state and staging a coup, both risky gambles.
Even Hitler, that mad dog, faced 43 assassination attempts, a testament to his evil.
Some of those plots were directly related to desperate coup plans, and last-ditch efforts.
If it’s exposed, it’ll be a real fucking mess, a scandal for the ages.
Honestly, it’s a vile conspiracy that would be nationally condemned, and rightly so.
But what else could I do, backed into a corner like this?
If we kept dragging out this cursed Chinese-Korean War, Korea might go bankrupt.
Well, I wasn’t some master conspiracy expert, and it didn’t seem like a problem I could solve by pondering alone, brooding in my office.
After all, in my original world, I was just an ordinary translator, not some criminal mastermind.
I called in Security Commander Kim Sung-ju and briefly discussed the risky plan to eliminate Chiang Kai-shek, gauging his reaction.
“Your Excellency, if by any chance this plot is discovered, it will damage not only Korea’s prestige on the world stage but also your personal reputation, perhaps beyond repair.”
Well, that’s certainly true, a sobering thought.
It’s something even the Reds wouldn’t do… or would they, those ruthless bastards?
Stalin himself did send assassins to Tito, the iron-fisted dictator of Yugoslavia, so who knows?
“Hmm, I see your point.”
“It would be best to keep that extreme option as an absolute last resort when all else fails.”
I see, it was a fair argument.
Is negotiating with that stubborn old goat Mr. Chiang really the best option, even now?
Well, not ignoring a subordinate’s loyal advice is the surest way to maintain power for a long time.
I decided to accept Kim Sung-ju’s prudent advice, for the moment at least.
“Then, for these negotiations, would Chiang Kai-shek, who seems hell-bent on launching another offensive, willingly hand over North China to us if he loses yet again in battle?”
“It would be difficult, Your Excellency. That’s precisely why you should deliver the final, crushing blow by taking their capital Nanjing, forcing them to submit.”
Ah, this guy is hopeless too, trapped in the old ways of thinking.
This is exactly why militaristic Korea has no real answer.
Only Kim Sung Joon 2, the ‘normal person’ from outside this webtoon world, could judge the situation with the right perspective, unclouded by dogma.
After sending Kim Sung-ju away, I sank into deep thought, my brow furrowed.
Cling to the increasingly hopeless Plan A, or execute the ruthless Plan B.
While going back and forth between these two grim thoughts countless times, a lightning-like idea suddenly struck me, a revelation.
“Have I been so steeped in outdated Korean Empire-style thinking that I can only see such extreme options, black and white?”
Crudely kill without mercy. Force submission through brute force.
How utterly barbaric, like a savage of old.
In the 21st century Earth I hailed from, they don’t fight with such crude methods.
No, they fuck their enemies over elegantly and stylishly with economics, crippling sanctions and embargoes.
Even that approach could have similarly devastating effects to fucking them over with missiles or shells but without the overt bloodshed.
I need to strangle China’s neck and cut off their lifeblood.
I immediately had a car prepared, my mind racing.
*
Sir Robert Craigie3, the British Ambassador to Korea, felt puzzled when the Korean Foreign Minister conveyed his desire to discuss the thorny China issue, a topic fraught with tension.
Shortly after Lee Sung Joon’s regime seized power in a dramatic coup, he had proposed mediating between Korea and China once, but that suggestion was promptly rejected, rebuffed without hesitation.
This cabinet can’t say anything of importance without General Lee Sung Joon’s explicit permission anyway, so what could they possibly want to discuss now?
Nevertheless, the other party was a high-ranking official equivalent to a Foreign Minister, not someone to be ignored lightly.
The ambassador greeted the Minister first, his tone carefully neutral.
The two exchanged diplomatic pleasantries, subtly testing the waters, probing for weaknesses and hidden agendas.
During this delicate process, the Korean Foreign Minister unexpectedly brought up the sensitive topic of Europe, catching Craigie off guard.
Korea intends to remain neutral on the German issue? What could this possibly mean?
Under Park Han-jin’s regime, Korea had advanced to a quasi-alliance relationship with Germany, even signing a controversial air defense agreement.
Diplomatically, Germany was the only great power openly supporting Pyongyang, a key ally.
Not helping such a crucial friend and standing as a mere bystander in European affairs? It seemed unthinkable, a drastic shift.
Craigie soon realized the Koreans’ true intentions, the pieces falling into place.
They’ll maintain neutrality in Europe, so we should support their position on the China issue in return, is that it? A quid pro quo.
However, Korea had already greatly irritated Britain, a fact that could not be ignored.
They had brazenly turned Shanghai, where immense international capital was invested, into a bloody battlefield and disrupted the vital Yangtze River area where British interests were heavily concentrated, costing them dearly.
Britain maintained official neutrality in this tense situation not because they liked or trusted Korea, but because they were busy worrying about the looming threats of Hitler and Stalin, their hands tied.
This must be why the Korean Minister is beating around the bush so much, carefully testing the waters, unsure of our reaction.
Craigie felt more at ease once he had read his counterpart’s hand, seeing through the diplomatic facade.
But I wonder, was it really Korea’s typical style to seek international support for their war in this roundabout manner?
It certainly wasn’t, not by a long shot.
Even the brutish Park Han-jin regime had brushed off the great powers’ concerns and restraints, and outright devastated Shanghai without a second thought.
If so, it was more accurate to interpret this not as the Korean military suddenly exercising flexibility, but as the new strongman Lee Sung Joon. bringing about sweeping change, a new direction.
After a long, roundabout conversation with the Foreign Minister, carefully probing and prodding, Lord Craigie was finally convinced, having gleaned what he needed.
“For now, I shall await further instructions from my government on how to proceed.”
“Thank you for your understanding in this delicate matter.”
Craigie left the room, leaving the Korean Foreign Minister alone with his thoughts.
A day later, explicit instructions regarding Craigie’s detailed report arrived from London, the encoded telegram closely guarded.
n[Given the urgent and dire situation unfolding in Europe, we’ve concluded it’s best to minimize friction with the Korean government, for the time being at least. While we needn’t acquiesce to all of Korea’s brazen demands, it’s deemed unnecessary to unduly irk Pyongyang by selling weapons to their foes. Convey our intention to maintain strict wartime neutrality, but keep a close eye on further developments.]nnn
Then as of now, the British focus was squarely on the looming crisis in Europe, their attention consumed by the gathering storm clouds.
With Hitler relentlessly pressuring Schuschnigg of Austria and recklessly escalating the war crisis, the distant China issue inevitably took a back seat, a secondary concern at best.
At this rate, it suited the British Empire’s pragmatic national interests to bestow favor on Korea and pull Germany’s potential ally down to a neutral position, weakening Berlin’s hand.
In the end, that bastard Hitler inadvertently saved Korea, the fool.
Craigie visited the Korean Foreign Minister and promised that Britain would maintain strict wartime neutrality in the bloody Chinese-Korean War, a significant concession.
In return, he strongly urged Korea to maintain equally strict neutrality on sensitive European issues, a quid pro quo arrangement.
“You need not worry, Ambassador. We have no desire to meddle in European affairs.”
In fact, the shrewd Korean Foreign Ministry had made the same empty promise to France, playing both sides against the middle.
“Ah, isn’t Hitler more urgent for you all?”
The Minister asked innocently, feigning concern.
And then, turning to Berlin, they said with a hint of reproach,
“We thought Pyongyang and Berlin were staunch friends, but now we hear the Führer is sending weapons and military advisors to China, our sworn enemy. Who exactly is Berlin’s true friend here? Korea or China? You cannot have it both ways.”
This was truly a perplexing question for Germany, a nation torn between two allies.
The German government agonized over this thorny issue before reluctantly bringing it to Hitler himself, seeking his guidance.
Hitler then provided a very clear answer, his voice ringing with conviction.
n”Aren’t Koreans a much stronger and more powerful people than the weak Chinese? What we need is a friend who can check the Anglo-Americans in the Pacific, and Korea fits that bill perfectly.”nnn
With the Führer’s bombastic words, Germany’s fragile relationship with China was abruptly severed, cast aside like a used rag.
Withdrawal orders were swiftly issued to the German military advisory group stationed in China, catching them off guard.
As he reluctantly left China, the head of the military advisory group, Falkenhausen, encouraged Chiang Kai-shek by boldly declaring that the ‘400 million Chinese people’ would surely be victorious in the end, their sheer numbers overwhelming.
However, his confident prediction would soon prove dead wrong, a grave miscalculation.
The war Lee Sung Joon. waged was radically different from the crude, straightforward warfare known to the Prussians, a brutal art they had mastered.
A noose that silently strangled the neck suddenly ambushed China, catching them completely off guard.
***
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