I Will Stage A Coup D’état - Chapter 27: The Art of War (3)

December 25, 1937

As Chinese forces were making final preparations for their offensive, Stalin, the dictator of the Soviet Union, pondered over a letter sent in the name of Roh Jae-woo, the Prime Minister of Korea.

“They wish to delineate our spheres of influence and cleanly settle our previous antagonistic relationship. Well, it doesn’t sound bad……”

The General Secretary, already on edge due to increasing threats from the West, was intrigued by the ‘Korean-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact’ proposed by Lee Sung Joon, Korea’s de facto leader.

Stalin issued this directive to the Foreign Ministry,

“Tell me your thoughts on the Korean’s proposal.”

Foreign Minister Maxim Litvinov¹, receiving the General Secretary’s instructions, responded favorably to the Korean-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact.

“Ultimately, the enemy threatening our Union’s survival is Germany in the west. Geopolitically, turning Korea into an enemy would disperse resources needed to focus on Germany, which is not beneficial for the Union’s survival.”

As word spread that the Foreign Ministry was reviewing the Korean-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact, concerns were raised in some quarters of the Soviet Communist Party.

“Korean militarists are the greatest enemies of East Asian proletarian brothers. Joining hands with them risks undermining East Asian socialist brothers’ faith in the Comintern. Moreover, aren’t the Koreans slaughtering our proletarian comrades in Spain alongside the fascists?”

Despite internal opposition, Stalin was entirely unconcerned.

The General Secretary, after crunching numbers based on the Foreign Ministry’s report, concluded that this treaty was worth considering.

“Reconciling with Korea seems beneficial to the Union’s national interests.”

As the dictator’s inclination leaned towards non-aggression, voices of opposition within the party instantly vanished.

Those lacking such awareness had long since disappeared to the Gulag or ‘somewhere’, allowing the party to uphold Stalin’s orders in unified ranks.

Stalin sent a letter to Korean Prime Minister Roh Jae-woo.

In essence, it was tantamount to a reply to Lee Sung Joon.

n[Dear Prime Minister Roh Jae-woo. Our Union has decided to positively receive your country’s proposal. If both countries intend to build a new relationship together, we must act quickly. Therefore, I propose that you welcome my Foreign Minister on January 8th, or no later than January 10th.]nnn

Lee Sung Joon also sent a reply.

Of course, he borrowed Prime Minister Roh Jae-woo’s name.

n[Dear General Secretary Stalin. Thank you for your letter. I hope that the non-aggression between Korea and the Soviet Union will improve political relations between our countries. The Korean government informs you that it agrees to Soviet Foreign Minister Litvinov’s visit to Korea on January 8th.]nnn

Stalin’s reaction was immediate.

“Foreign Minister, depart for Korea right away.”

On January 8, 1938, Soviet Foreign Minister Litvinov visited Pyongyang.

At Pyongyang Rakwon Station², Lee Sung Joon, Korea’s de facto leader, personally came out to greet Litvinov, creating a sensational scene.

Litvinov, also aware that Sung Joon was the real power in this country, was greatly pleased.

Sung Joon, along with Foreign Minister Lee Seo-young, went to the Foreign Ministry to observe the negotiations.

While formally it was a negotiation between Foreign Minister Lee Seo-young and Litvinov, in essence, it was a dialogue between Sung Joon and Litvinov.

The negotiations proceeded smoothly.

Sung Joon agreed to demarcate the disputed borders in Mongolia and Outer Manchuria, where territorial disputes existed between the Soviet Union and Korea.

He also firmly promised to promptly withdraw the intervention forces deployed in Spain.

The Spanish Civil War was, after all, a conflict outside Sung Joon’s interests.

In return, Sung Joon made several strong demands,

First, to cut off all aid to China.

Second, to restrain the Chinese Communist Party’s anti-Korean activities.

Third, to export resources needed by Korea.

Litvinov thought it was a deal where the Soviet Union had nothing to lose.

Aid to China was only being considered to fill the void left by Germany, with nothing concrete being done yet.

The Chinese Communist Party issue was also easy.

The Chinese Communist Party was more interested in expanding its influence than in anti-Korean activities.

Relying on the Comintern for funding, one word from the Communist International could make them cease anti-Korean activities.

Resource exports weren’t a problem either.

The Union wouldn’t particularly lose out if Korea provided machinery and manufactured goods as payment.

These were all conditions that could be met without much loss.

In return, what the Union would gain was clear.

Stability on the eastern border.

For the Soviet Union, intent on focusing on the anti-German front, this was a benefit worth obtaining even at a considerable cost.

As the negotiations concluded, Litvinov and Lee Seo-young shook hands.

“Now, let’s take a picture.”

And the single photograph taken shocked the world.

The most militaristic country in the world, the Empire of Korea, called the Prussia of the Far East, and the Soviet Union, known for grinding its teeth at imperialism, had joined hands and reconciled.

The person most shocked by this fact was none other than Chiang Kai-shek.

“This is preposterous. How could the Reds join hands with Korean imperialists?”

Chiang had reason to be shocked.

He had been planning to fill the void left by Germany, which had been providing military supplies, with aid from the nearby Soviet Union.

But Moscow had signed a non-aggression pact with Pyongyang.

What is a non-aggression pact?

Isn’t it a ‘quasi-alliance treaty’ that prohibits any help to third countries at war with the other party?

Chiang nearly collapsed at the Korean-Soviet non-aggression pact but barely withstood the shock.

However, the shock didn’t end there.

“Britain and France have strictly prohibited the sale of military supplies. They claim it’s to maintain wartime neutrality.”

Chiang felt his throat tightening.

With a significant portion of China’s industrial capacity already in Korean military hands, even foreign military supplies were cut off.

America was there, but they were isolationists, far away and uninterested in breaking wartime neutrality.

But Korea’s attack didn’t stop there.

“Park Han-jin didn’t declare war on Nanjing despite starting the Chinese-Korean War. Due to such foolishness, China was receiving customs duties from our occupied territories and using them as war funds. Shouldn’t we stop such stupidity?”

The Korean government formally declared war on Nanjing.

This caused China to suffer the double whammy of having its funding sources squeezed, like a python constricting its prey.

In this dire situation, the Chinese army launched a desperate large-scale offensive to achieve at least some political success but failed to make any meaningful gains, their efforts futile.

The Korean army’s defense line, thoroughly prepared in anticipation of the offensive, didn’t waver under any Chinese attacks, standing firm like an impenetrable wall.

The Chinese offensive ended in abject failure, resulting only in massive casualties, the battlefield littered with the dead and dying.

The Chinese government couldn’t even obtain a small victory to shake Lee Sung Joon’s regime, their hopes were dashed.

Far from it, they found themselves in a desperate crisis, teetering on the brink of collapse.

The enormous military supplies and money spent on the ill-fated offensive were gone, never to be seen again.

Now there was no way to replenish them, their coffers empty and their arsenals bare.

If the Korean army were to attack in this situation, they would have no choice but to give up not only defending Nanjing but also the entire fertile Yangtze River basin, a devastating blow.

Even Dai Li³, head of Chiang’s most loyal intelligence agency, advised negotiation, his voice heavy with resignation.

“Your Excellency. You must now consider compromising with the Koreans, distasteful as it may be.”

Chiang was prepared to fight to the bitter end, but the enemy was strangling China in a completely different way than with guns and swords, a cruel and insidious tactic.

He spoke bitterly, unable to hide his gloomy expression, his face etched with despair.

“Prepare for negotiations, then. May the gods forgive us for what we must do.”

And so, with heavy hearts and trembling hands, the Chinese delegation prepared to sue for peace, their dreams of victory lying shattered at their feet.

*

The Prussian military historian Carl von Clausewitz⁴ said,

“War is the continuation of politics by other means.”

As Clausewitz wisely observed, war is nothing more than a mere extension of politics, yet far too many become myopic, fixated solely on the bloody conflict itself.

Prime examples of this folly were the German military and the Imperial Japanese Army during the two devastating World Wars.

They were foolishly convinced that victories won with blood, sweat, and tears would guarantee national triumph, but in endlessly pursuing unattainable goals, they led both themselves and their once-proud nations to utter ruin.

The harsh lesson they taught was simple, yet profound.

Don’t become too obsessed with war, which is merely a ‘means’ to achieve political objectives, not an end in itself.

I acted faithfully to Clausewitz’s sage maxim, heeding his words.

I shrewdly mobilized every means besides war to achieve the ultimate goal of China’s submission, bending them to my will.

This was the inevitable result, the fruit of my labors.

The government of the Republic of China meekly conveyed through Britain their desire to coordinate negotiation terms, their once-proud spirit broken.

They hadn’t suffered a fatal blow in battle, nor had their capital fallen to our victorious troops.

Nevertheless, China felt they were at a distinct disadvantage.

Because I skillfully made them feel that way, crushing their resolve.

I demanded that China send a special envoy, a gesture of their submission.

On February 9, 1938, China sent Wang Jingwei, a prominent advocate for peace, to Pyongyang, clearly showing their willingness to talk, to bend the knee.

Wang Jingwei was a notorious hanjian⁵ in both history and webtoons, so I could welcome him with a glad heart, knowing he would readily capitulate.

Of course, I didn’t go out to greet him personally like I did for Litvinov, not deigning to grant him that honor.

Even without special hospitality, Wang Jingwei was a man ready to submit to Korea, to prostrate himself before us.

Foreign Minister Lee Seo-young greeted Wang Jingwei on my behalf, sparing me the distasteful task.

I sat at the back of the conference room, merely listening to the talks, confident in the outcome.

Since we had no intention of changing our iron-clad conditions, only China needed to change its mind, to accept the inevitable.

Wang Jingwei first pleaded, then pathetically begged, but when we didn’t budge an inch, he seemed to give up and accepted our demands, his shoulders slumped in defeat.

The resulting negotiation proposal was as follows, a document of their surrender:

Chinese-Korean Peace Treaty.nnn

Article 1. The Chinese government cedes all railway lines and railway construction rights north of the Huai River to the ‘North China Railway Company’ established by the Korean government.

Article 2. The North China Railway Company is guaranteed the right to maintain a separate security force to protect the railways and assets owned by the company.

Article 2-1. The size of the security force is limited to no more than 15 battalions.

Article 2-2. The stationing and movement of the security forces must be consulted between Korea and China.

Article 3. The North China Railway Company has the right to purchase and commercially use land necessary for railway operations and track laying.

Article 4. Railways and other facilities under the jurisdiction of the North China Railway Company shall be extraterritorial areas of Korea.

Article 5. Chinese employees of the North China Railway Company shall, in principle, be subject to Korean law.

nn

It was an absurdly unequal treaty, a blatant humiliation for China.

But China had no other choice, backed into a corner.

What could they do when vital military supplies and funds were cut off, and Korean forces were coiled right in front of their capital, Nanjing, ready to strike?

Exactly two and a half months after seizing power through a daring coup.

I succeeded in subjugating China, bringing them to their knees.

***

https://ko-fi.com/genesisforsaken